By Benjamin Marquez

''Marquez has produced a worthy research of political range between Mexican American curiosity teams. His paintings exposes the fault of equating Mexican American--and through extension, i believe, any other--ethnicity with any particular, less a uniquely radical, political ideology.'' --Sidney Plotkin, Professor of Political technology, Vassar university The formation of a bunch identification has continually been a massive preoccupation of Mexican American political agencies, whether or not they search to assimilate into the dominant Anglo society or to stay break free it. but businesses that sought to symbolize a huge move element of the Mexican American inhabitants, resembling LULAC and the yankee G.I. discussion board, have diminished in club and impression, whereas more moderen, extra specified political agencies are prospering--clearly suggesting that winning political organizing calls for greater than shared ethnicity and the adventure of discrimination. This publication sheds new mild at the technique of political id formation via a research of the id politics practiced by means of 4 significant Mexican American political organizations--the Southwest community for Environmental and monetary Justice, the Southwest commercial parts starting place, the Texas organization of Mexican American Chambers of trade, and the Mexican American Women's nationwide organization (now often called MANA--A nationwide Latina Organization). via interviews with activists in each one association and learn into their documents, Benjamin Marquez clarifies the racial, class-based, and cultural elements that experience brought on those agencies to create greatly differing political identities. He likewise demonstrates why their particular pursuits resonate basically with specific segments of the Mexican American group.

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Extra info for Constructing Identities in Mexican American Political Organizations: Choosing Issues, Taking Sides

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Since our focus is on positioning vis-à-vis the established order, I argue that an organization’s position on economic hierarchies will hinge on the degree to which it faults the free market for inequalities between Anglos and Mexican Americans. The hallmark of a nonchallenging class identity is a call for social advancement within a free-market economy without considering the concentration of poverty and joblessness among minorities to be a feature of capitalism itself. Included in this category are identities criticizing income inequalities between races yet promoting solutions that do not question the foundations of free-market capitalism.

Between  and , dumping over ,, gallons of toxic fluids into thirty-three acres of unlined holding ponds and evaporation beds in the desert (Fillipi and Zuroski ). The twenty-three chemicals found in these wells were linked to unusually high occurrences of cancer, multiple sclerosis, systemic lupus, liver disease, central nervous system damage, and immune system 28 Mexican-American Political Organizations suppression among residents who drew drinking water from the poisoned aquifer (Bagwell ).

Its attacks drew a sharp response from area computer manufacturers. Soon after PODER’s charges were leveled, Austin’s hightech firms embarked on a public-relations campaign designed to undermine their impact.  million in East Austin (Bosco ). Sematech boasted about its philanthropic work and other community service projects such as the Texas Alliance for Minorities in Engineering and a ‘‘Christmas Cheer’’ holiday program that distributed food and gifts to needy families (‘‘Sematech/East Austin’’ ; Stevens ).

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