By Evelyne Huber Stephens, John D. Stephens

The Description for this publication, Democratic Socialism in Jamaica: The Political circulation and Social Transformation in based Capitalism, should be forthcoming.

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5 per cent, but only because the labor force actually declined in this period, apparently because of migration (Jefferson, 1972:29). 5 per cent, or about 10 900. It is important to emphasize that this is not unusually high. 8 per cent). Given this rate of labor-force growth and the rate of job-creation typical for the capital-intensive nature of Jamaican development in this period, the average rate of economic growth would have to have been about 14 per cent just to maintain the rate of employment that prevailed in 1960!

However, neither the new constitution, which stipulated rules for the election of party officers, nor these organizing efforts changed anything in Bustamante's personal control over the party. The 20 Democratic Socialism in Jamaica PNP on its part also continued its organizing efforts, increasing the number of party groups from 190 in 1951, to 420 in 1955, and a high of 990 in 1959 (Munroe, 1972:81). 5 per cent of the popular vote, compared with 39 per cent for the JLP, which gave the PNP eighteen seats and the JLP fourteen.

The PNP had been closely involved in the federation efforts through its association with the Caribbean Labour Congress (CLC) 17 and Bustamante publicly accepted the federation plans in 1953. The lessening of sociological differences between the two parties occurred at all levels - mass, leadership and elite. At the mass level, the A Post-Colonial Plantation Economy 19 PNP managed to make inroads in the labor movement, and at the leadership level the JLP experienced an influx of brown middle-class professionals interested in political careers and unwilling to wait their turn and earn it through party work in the PNP, where there was a much larger pool of qualified aspirants than in the JLP.

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