By Paul Christopher Johnson

By means of becoming a member of a diaspora, a society may perhaps start to switch its non secular, ethnic, or even racial identifications by means of rethinking its ''pasts.'' This pioneering multisite ethnography explores how this phenomenon is affecting the amazing faith of the Garifuna, traditionally referred to as the Black Caribs, from the valuable American coast of the Caribbean. it's predicted that one-third of the Garifuna have migrated to ny urban over the last fifty years. Paul Christopher Johnson compares Garifuna spirit ownership rituals played in Honduran villages with these carried out in big apple, and what emerges is a compelling photograph of ways the Garifuna have interaction ancestral spirits throughout a number of diasporic horizons. His research sheds new gentle at the methods diasporic religions world wide creatively plot itineraries of spatial reminiscence that instantly get better and remold their histories.

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The third stage coincided with the late 1980s and 1990s economic boom, again especially in the service economy. By this time, many Garifuna families already had migration “paths” in place: relatives already in the United States, roofs to sleep under at least temporarily, and potential job networks. These paths led especially to New York and Los Angeles, with New York especially drawing Honduran and Guatemalan Garifuna, and Los Angeles drawing those from Belize. What is more, a mythology had grown up around the idea of migration to the United States.

Many interpreted this explanation as a euphemism for being an evangelical missionary. Eventually I was able to find common ground with Garifuna in the Bronx by going through the names of friends or acquaintances I had met in Honduras until my questioner recognized one. Many such former interrogators became great friends and took me on their rounds at work and into their homes. On one warm fall evening in the park I was interviewed by a Garifuna man who called himself Shango, after the West African Yoruba deity of thunder.

6 On the one hand, such urban contexts may appear quite homogeneous the world over, equally run by “money, the frightful leveler” that “hollows out the core of things” (Simmel 1950: 414; cf. Comaroff and Comaroff 1992: 54). The urban context transforms orientations in time and space, ideas of work and value, and even the experience of self-identity (see, for example, Simmel 1978; Soja 1989; Harvey 1990; Giddens 1990; Zukin 1996). Displacement can generate a sense of incoherence, anomie, and vulnerability, but that very incoherence opens possibilities and needs for new sodalities in the city (Weber 2002: 47; Sennett 1994: 371).

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