By Timothy A. Kohler
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920. Possible destinations for these migrants include Mesa Verde proper (Glowacki 2007), northwestern New Mexico (Wilshusen and Wilson 1995), and the San Juan geologic basin (Judge 1989:216; Windes 2007). Several recent studies have argued that this movement from north to south contributed to the initial development of the Chacoan regional system (Varien 2001:53; Varien et al. 2007; Wilshusen and Ortman 1999; Wilshusen and Van Dyke 2006; Windes 2005). d. d. 8). This is a surprising and signiﬁcant ﬁnding because most evidence of inﬂuence from the emerging regional center at Chaco Canyon occurs in sites established during this same period (Cameron 2005; Lipe 2006; Varien et al.
Here we merely summarize this method on a conceptual level. In a nutshell, our approach formalizes and makes explicit the ad hoc reasoning process followed by ﬁeldworkers when they record new sites. We use the known populations, periods of occupation, pottery assemblages, and architectural characteristics of excavated sites in our study area to quantify the relationship between surface evidence and occupational histories. We then use these relationships as prior knowledge in a Bayesian statistical framework (Buck et al.
Martin’s work at Lowry demonstrated that the site occupation was dynamic, with multiple building episodes and periods of short-term abandonment, reoccupation, and widespread remodeling. He also suggested Lowry Pueblo may have been an important religious center because the great kiva at Lowry had a long use-life and was the only one in the immediate vicinity (Martin 1936:207–209). , Hurst and Lotrich 1932), but Martin’s work was by far the most systematic, rigorous, and completely reported. From the 1930s to the 1970s, few projects in the VEP study area focused speciﬁcally on large sites.