By Robert L. Heilbroner, Morton Mintz, Colman McCarthy, Sanford J. Ungar, Kermit Vandivier, Saul Friedman, James Boyd
Hardcover initially released in 1972.
Said One govt:
"Why should still my judgment of right and wrong hassle me?"
Here are dramatic real tales of executives whose hope for revenue leads them into shameful judgements.
Naming genuine govt of significant American businesses, the authors painting company irresponsibility in human time period. One govt is proven as he orders his subordinates to faux a lab document, although the end result could be death. Others are proven as they bribe a urban legit, as they knowingly promote a perilous drug, as they enhance themselves by means of betraying their stockholders.
These males will not be the regular fast-buck artists, the petty cheats who might be brushed aside as "bad apples." The authors show themselves as good electorate, knowledgeable and well-respected. but during company they simply yield to ambition, avarice or the company tradition. And usually, once they are uncovered, they're promoted via their companies.
Together those profiles, them all written specially for this ebook, supply existence to questions raised via books equivalent to the US, Inc. and The Greening of America:
· what sort of males run a few super-corporations?
· How can "good men" behave so badly"
· Does operating for an organization suggest violating one's sense of right and wrong?
After all of the tales are informed, the intense economist and social critic Robert L. Heilbroner deals a bankruptcy of viewpoint. First he confronts some of the positions on company responsibility--at one severe, breaking apart the massive agencies; on the different, leaving govt fullyyt unfastened to maximise gains. after which he cuts via to the realities if the problem, displaying us the place the simplest probability of therapy lies.
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Extra resources for In the Name of Profit: Profiles in Corporate Irresponsibility
My description of how this happens has been quick and murky, and cries out for clariﬁcation and development. I return to examining the structure of such a picture at the end of the book, when my theory of the meaning of meaning has been laid out. I’ll begin, though, more modestly. Without at the outset trying to explain the normative, I’ll start out assuming a sharp distinction between the normative and the naturalistic. I deny that normative terms have naturalistic meanings, suitable for empirical science.
Aren’t some contradictory beliefs not worth the trouble of avoiding? Full consistency would be costly, or even beyond our capacities. The primitive ought I mean to invoke, though, is an idealized one. It ignores costs, and it ignores the limitations of our powers to reason. 28 Systematic thought about such matters, though, will need to draw heavily on ideal theories, such as classical decision theory—or so I expect. The oughts that follow invariably from meaning claims, then, will be ideal oughts.
The oughts that follow invariably from meaning claims, then, will be ideal oughts. The primitive ought I use as the basis of my theories will ignore limitations of our powers of reasoning. Preliminary Support A chief reason to believe the weak normativity thesis, I am saying, is that a certain basic kind of ought follows from a means invariably. This is the ideal, primitive ought, an ought that ignores costs and limitations on our powers of reasoning. One ought not, in this primitive, ideal sense, believe both that snow is white and that nothing is white.